Тhe purpose of the article is to determine the ideological factors of activating the ethno-confessional policy of the Russian sovereigns in relation to the alien population of the Middle Volga region and the Urals in the first half of the 18th century. The article examines the evolution of government approaches in the field of ethno-confessional policy of the times of Peter I, Peter II, Anna Ivanovna and Elizaveta Petrovna. In order to eliminate the isolation of foreign communities, which was the main obstacle on the way to extrapolating the idea of a "regular state" to the Russian Empire, Peter the Great and his successors launched a missionary campaign against non-Russian peoples living in the Volga and Ural provinces. Christianization acquired a more radical character during the reign of Elizaveta Petrovna, as a result of which the isolation of ethnosocial communities increased. This, in turn, led to the need to revise the ethno-confessional policy.

Тhe article is devoted to the connection between radical groups ideology and daily life practices of civilians in Northern Ireland during the Troubles (1969-1998). The purpose of the study is to identify manifestations of polarization between catholic and protestant communities in their daily life practices. Author analyzes the scientific directions of hysterography and the data of different material sources. According to information of memoires, interview, periodic press the author highlights the main he main normative features of the behavior of members of two ethno-religious communities, as well as the ideas of Catholics and Protestants about each other's everyday life. The main subjects of the analysis are onomastics, fashion, sports, school and university education, private, family life of the population of Northern Ireland during the conflict. According to results of the reconstruction of the practices of everyday life and a detailed examination of their features, the author concludes that polarization originates in the everyday perceptions of communities about each other, and then, exploited by the ideology of radical groups and "toughened" by nationalist motives, is relayed back into society. strengthening and intensifying the split between Catholics and Protestants.

This is an article on the influence which the corpus of classical historical texts holds over the image of Cyrus the Great in public historical discourse. The author tries to describe the kind of prejudices people acquainted with classical texts, which are examined in this study, could read the Cyrus Cylinder with, as well as the elements of that inscription which allow said prejudices to be confirmed. Reconstruction (based on modern historical studies) of historically authentic discourses, of which examined classical texts could’ve been a part of, is attempted, and said supposedly historically authentic discourses are juxtaposed to modern discourse, exposing its appropriative character. Through implementing the latest achievements in the linguistic analysis of the Cyrus Cylinder, the author contraposes the critical interpretation of the inscription in question to the classical one. In conclusion, the author speculates about the horizons which are opened before historians not only by critical reading of the Cyrus Cylinder, but also by analysis of classical interpretations.

The article examines the features in the interpretation of the image of the heroine of the biblical myth of Judith in the Anglo-Saxon literary tradition of the early Middle Ages. Depending on the dominant ideas at different stages of the development of society, the image of Judith underwent a transformation. This tendency was reflected in the works of Anglo-Saxon medieval writers: in the sermon on the biblical book "Judith" by Abbot Elfrik Enshem and in the poem "Judith" by an anonymous author. Referring to these monuments, the twofoldness in the image of the biblical heroine is explored. In the first essay, Judith appears before the reader as a meek, chaste virgin, possessing wisdom and humility, and in the second as a brave, courageous and energetic warrior. Revealing differences in interpretation, the author draws attention to the fusion of Christian and Germanic traditions in the spiritual life of Anglo-Saxon society, as well as to the historical context, linking the transformation of the biblical image with the need for armed struggle against the Norman conquerors.

This article is devoted to the colonization of the South Urals using the example of the city of Troitsk. It focuses on the colonization and development of the territories of the Southern Urals, first by the Orenburg expedition, lead by I.K. Kirillov, and then V.I. Tatishchev. In general, this region was not the most peaceful one in The Russian Empire. That is why, in the end, it was decided in 1743 to start the construction of the Uisk border line. As a result, on June 19, 1743, on the very edge of the Russian Empire and the Kazakh steppe, the Troitsk fortress was founded by I.I. Neplyuev, "as the main fortress of the Uyskaya border fortified line"
But, after some time, the border fortress turns into a full-fetched trading city. Thanks to Lieutenant Colonel Bakhmetev, an exchange trade with the Kirgiz-Kaisaks nomadic tribes, which populated the local area occurs in the Troitsk Fortress, which would later turn into one of the largest fairs of the Russian Empire. It is trade that turns Troitsk into a multicultural city.
It is no coincidence that the surrounding Cossacks frequently said following - "Troitsk - Tatar city" or "Troitsk - Mohammedan city". Gradually, many merchant families began to move to the local area. As a result, many religious and educational institutions will be built with their money. So, over the next century, the city of Troitsk will turn into a real spiritual, cultural and educational center of the South Urals.

In the article, the author analyzes the processes associated with the transfer of the European nationalist concept to the Russian Empire. Namely, the attempts of the Minister of National Education, S.S. Uvarov, giving legitimacy of the ideology of official nationalism with the help of the transformation of civilizational discourse that developed by the beginning of the XIX century. The author of the article proceeds from the position of the inextricable connection of the concepts of civilization and nation under the conditions of a specific nationalist discourse that developed in the imperial metropolises in the first half of the 19th century. Thus, in solidarity with some provisions of the theory of “liberal nationalism” by E. Hobsbaum, the author of the article traces a similar scenario in the Russian Empire. Namely, that scenario when the concept of nationalism, absorbed by the Russian Empire, forming a kind of alloy with the previously mastered the idea of a civilizational mission, becomes an excuse for imperial hegemony. The research focuses on a S.S. Uvarov’s civilizational concept that substantiates the emancipation of the Russian Empire within Europe, through the ideas of neoclassicism, the philosophy of German romanticism and orientalism.

This is an article evaluating the place that the Austrian Habsburg Monarchy held in the system of international relations during the Thirteen Years' War. The author reflects on the specifics of the act of studying the history of international relations in the said period, and concludes by proposing the existence of three planes of relations beetwen Austrian Habsburg House and other political actors: European, Empirial, and Austrian. Through looking at these planes the author is able to elaborate on his concept of progression of the Thirteen Years' War and the role that the Austrian Habsburgs played in it. The following conclusions are reached. The place in international relations to which the Habsburg Monarchy came in the middle of XVII century was largely determined by negotiations held at 1646's Westphalia Congress. A transformation of external policy of the Habsburg House can be seen from 1648 to 1668. The Habsburg Dynasty has kept their position in the Holy Roman Empire de-facto the same as pre-war. All main actors opposing the Austrian politity (the existence of which is proposed by author) were eliminated during the war.

This work is devoted to the problem of interpreting the Middle Ages in modern culture, in particular, in cinematography. Cinematography in the chosen quality was not chosen by chance, since it is a mass form of art, it is cinematography that often represents the common people 's idea of the historical past. The main object of analysis in the article was the film "Seasons of the Witch" directed by Dominic Sen. To determine the reliability of the reconstruction of the realities of the Middle Ages, the ideas about this period, reflected in the historical literature, are compared with the images created in the film. The study, based on the example of the film " Seasons of the Witch", also reveals methods of constructing the image of a medieval knight in modern mass culture, moreover, in such a specific genre of cinema as fantasy. The author of the article draws conclusions about how reliable and realistic the view of the medieval knight will develop in the viewer who has watched this film.

The article deals with the problem of presence of antisemitism in the views of the German scientist Friedrich Meinecke (1862-1954), which the author encountered during a study on this scholar. On the basis of comparative method, general and special in the studies of several authors were identified, and the political views of the scientist were considered using historical-genetic and retrospective methods, on the basis of which conclusions were drawn about the presence of antisemitism in them.
The present article begins by examining the formation of Friedrich Meinecke's political views from the beginning of his conscious life in the second half of the 19th century. Emphasis is placed on the socio-cultural environment in which the scholar was formed as a person. The content of the concept of antisemitism and its genesis are then briefly highlighted. The research problem is not only personal, but also historiographical, as we can observe the existence of several points of view, the consideration and comparison of which occupies the main part of this paper. In the end, the conclusion of the author is given, thanks to which we can clearly observe the ambiguity and complexity of the figure of Friedrich Meinecke, even when examining such a private question concerning his life.

The study of texts propaganda documents of socio-political associations developed by the staff of the laboratory of speech and psycholinguistics Institute of psychology RAS intent analysis allowed to reveal the peculiarities of the use of mythological constructs in the structure of texts and ways of influence of these constructs on the political consciousness of the audience. The article deals with the features of the structure of intentional blocks regarding the categories of conflict in the temporal categories of the past, present and future, and the style of the texts of propaganda documents.The object of the research is the propaganda documents from the funds of the Committee "Sovereignty", the All-Tatar Public Center and the Tatar Party of National Independence "Ittifak" of the State Archive of the Republic of Tatarstan for 1988-1995 in Russian and Tatar languages. The conducted intent analysis revealed a four-component intentional structure. In the reviewed texts, there was always a focus on attracting the attention of the audience, convincing them of the rightness of their positions and the planned positive results of the organization's activities and cooperation with it. With regard to the opponents, the prevailing intentions are aimed at updating and politicizing historical traumas, imputing blame and responsibility for the negative results of historical events and the existing economic and political situation, discrediting their intentions, as well as predicting the deterioration of the situation in the future if the audience supports their program of action. The results of the content analysis of the sample documents confirm the findings of intention analysis and allow to identify the key metaphorical and metonymic models, used as verbal methods of persuasion of the audience, usage methods of reasoning from the provisions of the «return to Lenin's principles» and «the Union status of the Republic of Tatarstan» in the Memorandum and open letters in 1988–1991 to «a sovereign state» in 1991–1995. The analysis of the documents shows the instrumental use of myth within constructions about the historical past, in which abstract concepts are metaphorized by a pronounced emotional content. In the case of using specific speech techniques for selecting information and persuasion, the texts of propaganda documents can provide a quasi-understanding of modern social, political, cultural and other problems that directly affect a person.

Japan and South Korea have a lot in common: from cultural values to interrelated economic interests and the desire to contain the increasingly growing threat of North Korea. However, despite many similarities, serious problems often hinder bilateral relations between Tokyo and Seoul. A key source of tension is the memories of the colonial occupation of Korea by Japan in the first half of the twentieth century. Despite the fact that more than 75 years have passed since the independence and the division of Korea into two parts, the wounds of this period are still fresh enough to create serious political obstacles. Today, South Korea and Japan are arguing about what is proper repentance and compensation for the colonial period, namely the damage caused by Japan. Despite being imprisoned in 1965. A treaty on the normalization of relations, which also included Japan's obligations to pay compensation for colonial rule, in a recent South Korean court decision from November 2018. it is said that the victims were not paid individual compensation for their "emotional pain and suffering". Thus, the Supreme Court of South Korea ruled against two of Japan's largest companies, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Ltd. and Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal Corp., on additional payments to victims of colonial rule. Following this decision, the governments of the two countries began to alternately introduce restrictive measures affecting such areas as trade, politics and cultural and social mutual perception and interaction. Before our eyes, scenes of bilateral hatred began to unfold, including attempts on the leaders of the highest circles, the destruction of monuments, the destruction of property and the refusal to purchase goods produced in a neighboring country, the refusal to travel, various rallies and unilateral protest actions.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the contexts of the use of the word «scepter» and its representation in the epic of Homer. The work is interdisciplinary in nature, using the historical-semiotic approach, set forth by the founder of the Moscow-Tartu school Yu. М. Lotman. The cornerstone of the study is the scepter, which has an archaic component that can be stored in the oral memory of the collective. The symbolic meaning and image of the insignia of power is able to move from one cultural layer to another, changing and adjusting to each semisphere. The study of contexts allows us to determine the concept of the scepter as a symbol of power in ancient Greece. Due to the unresolved Homeric question, the chronological framework of the study includes the XVVIII centuries. BC. The totality of problems associated with the authorship of the source is not a leading factor in this study, since the study of representation implies that the immanent author is a people belonging to a particular culture. The degree of knowledge of this issue is not high. As a result of the study, the scepter, as a symbol of power, is located between many associative objects - a staff, a wand, a cane, a stick. The royal regalia accompanies the positive image of the ruler and is an integral part of his image. Its application in meetings opens up the question of the number of scepters and a more detailed study of the customs, ceremonies and rituals of giving councils. The contexts of use of σκῆπτρον relate exclusively to the sphere of power.

Тhis article examines the comparison of the images of the emperor and that of the god Heron. Heron in Roman Egypt, acting in the form of a rider on a horse, was identified with Horus – the victorious god who defeats enemies. The Thracian deity was contaminated with Osiris – a dying and resurrecting god, which allowed Heron to be a deity contributing to rebirth and the establishment of a just order of things. The idea of rebirth was closely intertwined with the image of a wreath, which was associated with the "wreath of justification" of the Horus in tombs and temples of the Greco-Roman time – a symbol that gives victory over enemies, restoration of justice, rebirth to a new life. This idea was combined with the image of the Phoenix bird who carries the Golden Age and Pax Romana. The victorious image of Heron and his connection with the idea of rebirth corresponded to the image of the Roman ruler, who carried the Pax Romana and the Golden Age to Egypt, and also established Maat. The image of the god Heron, which was given the iconographic features of the emperor, gave the Hellenized Egyptian population a feeling of the invisible presence of the Roman ruler.

In the article, the author attempts to establish which peoples and ethnic groups were part of the Second Zemstvo Militia of 1611-1612. The article considers the social composition of the Second Militia, which included not only citizens and peasants of the northern and central regions of Russia, but also representatives of the Upper and Middle Volga region and other nationalities. Together with the Russians in the zemstvo regiments fought Ukrainian Cossacks (Cherkassy), Belarusians, Tatars, Mordvins, Chuvash, Bashkirs,Komi, Udmurts, Mari. This led to the fact that a huge army gathered at that time – more than 10 thousand. serving local people, peasants, Cossacks, Streltsy and nobles. However, the author questions the validity of the interpretation of these events as the period of the formation of the Russian multinational statehood. As a result, at the end of the study, it is concluded that such a phenomenon of socio-political and spiritual life as the unity of the people cannot be imagined once and for all achieved, and then frozen in its content as a phenomenon.

In the 1930s. in Soviet historical science, the official concept of Decembrism began to take shape. Usually it is associated with the name M.V. Nechkina. Inspired by V.I. Lenin, Nechkina constructed the image of a single movement of the Decembrists as the first Russian revolutionaries, most fully and clearly presented in her two-volume monograph in 1955. This concept was broadcast as the only true one, began to dominate the writings of other historians, and entered textbooks for secondary and higher schools. However, from the beginning of perestroika and in post-Soviet historiography it was also actively criticized. There was taken a course to revise the Soviet model of Decembrism. And yet, the idea of the Decembrists as noble revolutionaries was firmly rooted in society and turned into a kind of myth. At this stage, the professionals did not manage to dispel it. Because, as the historian P.V. Ilyin noticed, often in post-Soviet works wasn’t propose a new paradigm of the history of the Decembrists. Only the old-one was re-evaluated. Thus, the myth took even more root in the scientific and public space. The object of the research is the works of M.V. Nechkina on Decembrist studies; the subject is the construction of the image of the Decembrist uprising in these works. Was analyzed the existence of the myth of Decembrism in Soviet historiography and attempts to demythologize it in the modern intellectual process. These tasks are realized by the methods of intellectual history: discourse analysis and intellectual deconstruction. The works of M.V. Nechkina are considered as the historiographic sources of this article.

The article is devoted to the disclosure of the political aspect of the Crimean hagiographic works in the context of the Byzantine claims to the South Crimea of the iconoclastic period. The Byzantine Empire has always attached particular importance to the Crimean region, which was a strategically important outpost and an important center of international trade between West and East. However, direct Byzantine rule here was often replaced by invasions of barbarian tribes, which Constantinople, due to the remoteness of this province and its own foreign policy problems, could not control, which ultimately led to the formation of a condominant region here, which lasted until the middle of the 9th century. Many questions of the life of the Southern Crimea, which was in the sphere of imperial interests, are shedding light by the small local hagiographic tradition, which was compiled as the Byzantine ecclesiastical authority was established in the region. Based on the "Life of John of Gothia" and "Life of John of Sourozh" in the publication of the prominent byzantinist Vasilievsky G. it is traced how the personalities of these saints and their activities are connected with the establishment of Byzantium in Crimea and how the Empire used the figures of the "Crimean" bishops for its utilitarian purposes. The legal formulation of the borders of Byzantine statehood had to be supported ideologically, which allows us to consider the lives from a special angle and draw a conclusion about the contribution of the church to imperial construction.

This article examines the history of the concepts of "constitution", "national state", "Empire" in the context of the history of ideas and develops their place in the context of the ideas of "cameralism"and" modern state". The interpretation of these concepts at the beginning of the XIX century is revealed. In this article, the research is based on the French "Constitutional Charter" of 1814 y. and the "State Charter of the Russian Empire" of 1820 y., under the authorship of Nikolai Novosiltsev. These documents consider the reflection of the concepts of "empire" and "nation-state" in the context of the era under consideration. As a result, we can say that the French "Constitutional Charter" of 1814 y. reflects the consolidation of the French nation and the space of the empire. The Russian constitutional project "State Charter of the Russian Empire" of 1820 y., under the authorship of Nikolai Novosiltsev, builds a "national state" with the appearance of the Russian imperial nation, but with the conditions for building an empire.

The report analyses Germany’s position in the migration crisis of 2015. The current migration policy of Germany and its particularities, the position of the German government of Angela Merkel during the migration crisis, the position of the main political parties, from the far right to the far left. The report analysed the main aspects of German immigration policy, its development and its evolution as a result of the migration crisis. Various data show that in recent decades Germany has been implementing a number of measures aimed at the early integration of immigrants into the host society, there is a deliberate policy of adaptation (multiculturalism or interculturalism).

The article analyzes the treatise "The book of the courtier" Baldassar Castiglione, one of the most prominent representatives of the Italian aristocracy, diplomat and writer. The treatise was written in the 16th century. and concerns the period of service of Baldassare Castiglion at the court of Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino. On the pages of the essay, discussions are given about the physical and moral qualities of the ideal courtier, the ways and circumstances under which the courtier must confirm these qualities, the image of the "palace lady" is presented here, as well as thoughts about the relationship between the courtier and his master.
In this study, the essay of an Italian aristocrat is considered as a source for studying the specifics of the image of the courtier in the Renaissance in Italy. The author of the article analyzes the key characteristics of the "ideal courtier" given by Baldassare Castiillon, as well as the extent to which these characteristics correspond to the Renaissance ideas of the priority of a free creative personality.

The article is devoted to the problem of interpreting the ways of non-verbal communication in history. In this case, in Ancient Greece. The work analyzes the works of the ancient Greek authors Homer, Herodotus and Plutarch in order to identify their ideas about non-linguistic forms of communication and the purposes of using these elements in the narrative. Herodotus and Plutarch look to the legacy of their predecessors to find the most appropriate and important elements of the story. through the description of nonverbal communications, he conveys, if not general Hellenic values, then his views of the world. Thanks to the tradition laid down by Herodotus in his History, the Chaeronean author in bright colors describes the barbaric world alien to the Hellenes, the rites and values of which his heroes, for example, Alexander the Great, are forced to observe. As a result of the analysis, three conditional categories of the use of non-verbal communications by ancient Greek authors are distinguished.

The article raises the problem of the correlation between the research ethos and the civic position of representatives of the academic community in the Russian Empire and in the first years of Soviet power. Based on historical stories, the author shows that in terms of patrimonial monarchy professional interaction academia interpreted as a political opposition that at the same time minimized the impact of research, especially in the field of natural Sciences, and destroyed the symbiosis of the scientific community and the Imperial administration. It is suggested that academic science in the Russian Empire, brought to life by the needs of the state, was actually outside the framework of the state hierarchy by the beginning of the XIX century. This circumstance caused a bundle of contradictions in the relations between the state and the scientific community, which ensured a generally indifferent attitude of researchers to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks and ultimately contributed to the establishment of the Bolshevik regime.

One of the most fundamental ideas underlying any culture is the concept of good and evil, which is reflected, among other things, in art. In medieval Christian culture, the image of evil was expressed through its personification - the Devil. At the same time, understanding the role of the Devil and, accordingly, his image underwent various transformations: from an angelic creature to an animal with anthropomorphic features and a mythical monster. Changes in ideas about the Devil and his incarnations, exaltation or belittling of his power, testified to changes in the perception of evil in society. The thinking of the people of the Middle Ages is symbolic, in their minds, certain abstractions, such as strength, greatness, power, can be embodied in signs-symbols, such as, for example, a staff or a sword. Attributes of this kind could be endowed not only with positive, but also negative characters, which suggests the presence in medieval culture of ideas about the power of evil. Evil, as the beginning of the opposite of good, was thought to exercise power over various calamities occurring in the world and was personified in the images of the Devil as the Prince of darkness, the Son of Perdition, the Prince of this world. Such representations were equally reflected in the texts, both visual and verbal. In this regard, within the framework of this article, a study is carried out on the transformation of the representation of the image of the Devil, in particular, as a character endowed with powerful attributes, in the Middle Ages, the problems of the connection of such transformations with changes in society and culture are raised.

Theatrical art in Norway dates back to the 19th century. Henrik Ibsen became the founder of national drama and a world famous writer. The 19th century entered world history and culture as the era of romanticism, characterized by an appeal to the medieval historical past, the birth of nationalism, the creation of a unique hero, an appeal to feelings and emotions. Norway, under the long-term political influence of Denmark and Sweden, in the 19th century began a struggle for national independence. Through an appeal to the historical past of Norwegian society, Henrik Ibsen puts on the stage of the Bergen theater plays with a historical plot, calling on the people to rise up to fight. In the process of creating his works, the author turns to the Old Scandinavian sagas and legends and takes subjects from the Middle Ages for his productions. Henrik Ibsen mythologizes the historical past of Norway in the theater, introducing the author's fiction, but maintaining the spirit and atmosphere of the era.

Тhe purpose of the article is to identify aspects of the depiction of the power of the monarch in the Sverrir Saga. The article discusses various groups of opponents of Sverriere, as well as the peculiarities of representation inherent in them. Sverrir began the struggle for power as an impostor, while the country was already beginning to calm down after the round of the Civil Wars - a monarch was anointed to the throne, whose support was a powerful father and clergy. Fierce confrontation created the need to form an ideological response to possible disputes over the legitimacy of Sverrir's power. The differentiation of opponents, as well as the social situation in which they appeared, created the need to use various tools in the course of the ideological struggle. In general, it is difficult to say that there is any controversy on the pages of the Saga. The enemies of Sverrir play a certain role in the ideological paradigm of the work, by their actions proving the "ideality" of the reign of the protagonist.

The article is devoted to the study of the place of the monument in the context of historical memory on a specific example – the monument to V. I. Lenin, installed in Seattle. This monument is a unique example of studying the phenomenon of "transfer" of historical memory, as it passes a long historical path from Czechoslovakia to the United States. If initially, the monument was an ideological weapon, the main purpose of which was to convince the masses of the inviolability of the regime, then, after the "transfer", the meaning of the monument changes. Thanks to the aesthetic assessment of the monument by the patron of arts L. By Carpenter, it was preserved, was transported to the United States, and was thus endowed with a different cultural code. Its meaning has been rewritten or even adjusted to match the place it went to. In Seattle, a place inhabited by a different intellectual generation, the monument becomes the object of" performances " or attacks from various political forces opposed to the symbols of the left. The monument to V. I. Lenin in Seattle: the problem of "transferring" historical memory.

The concept of "cultural identity" is analyzed, the actualization of the concept and the prerequisites for the transformation of cultural identity are revealed. On the basis of domestic and foreign research, the connotative meaning of the concept of "identity" is determined. Various sociocultural contexts identified by researchers, which represent an interconnected discourse are studied. Variability of socio-cultural situations of the XX - XXI centuries. shows how the change of a single identity to multiple / hybrid identity occurs, how the worldview is transformed and a new context for the study of identity is organized. The object of the research is identity in culturological and other social and humanitarian concepts. The subject of the research is the transformation of cultural identity under the influence of mythologization. Without the process of mythologization, the perception of the world, taking into account globalization and the decentralization of identity, would be impossible, because myth is a way of interpreting reality and ordering it through social institutions that determine the norms of behavior, which allows a person's everyday life to be stable.