The article analyzes the features of the display of Catherine Howard in cinema and the reasons for the stability of her image.

The article deals with the activities of the student corporation of the Moscow Theological Academy in 1905-1907. The basic foundations, the specifics of socio-political speeches, as well as the features of the educational process of the student community of the Moscow Theological Academy during this period are revealed. For the analysis, office documentation, sources of personal origin, as well as several publications are involved.

The article scrutinises Divya Upadesh of Prithwinarayan Shah, one of the landmark primary sources on the history of Nepal, from the perspective of the continuity of state governance. The reasons that brought the document into being and the influence it has had upon several generations of Nepalese politicians are analysed. Analogies are drawn to similar sources from the history of other nations.

The article discusses the importance of S. Petefi for Hungarian history, as well as the stages of the formation of his cult as a "great Hungarian poet". The use of his fate in various political discourses and what meanings fill his work and life in our time are analyzed. The analysis involves a wide range of sources from different times that speak about the perception of S. Petofi in different eras, as well as articles analyzing the features of historical memory in Hungary.

The work is devoted to the transformation of the views of the young Alexander I on the police institutions of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the XIX century.

This article concerns the education of the Austrian archduke and Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand the Third, known also before his coronation as Ferdinand Ernst Habsburg. The goal of this work is to show a model or a system of categories on which the ideal image of the Austrian Habsburg monarch was build. This ideal image is discovered through the historical sources of didactic nature, that is – princely mirrors given to the future emperor. In that sense, the subject matter of this article is the education of the royal heir and the impression of royal discourse of power upon him. The authors deem the ideal image of the ruler to be representative of the state ideology, and thus, through the institution of the succession to the throne and the example of Ferdinand Ernst Habsburg, they arrive at the wider subject matter of the state ideology of the European nations during the first half of the 17th century. The ideal image of the ruler is accessed mainly through his role in foreign policy. Through careful study of the relevant writings, the following precepts of the royal government were found: the ruler must be a "Christian politician"; the ruler must carry the will of the Habsburg dynasty; the ruler should seek compromise in his policy. As an addition, certain conclusions were made on the specificity of the studied writings as opposed to the writings of the same genre from other parts of Europe.

The article examines the role of the younger generation in the implementation of the Mongolian People's Revolution. Through the analysis of historical documents and materials of contemporaries, the reasons for such proactive participation of young people in revolutionary processes are explained, the thesis about the dominant role of young revolutionaries in the events of 1921-1924 is formulated. In the study of the issue, the activities of the Mongolian Revolutionary Youth Union, as well as the young cadres of the Mongolian People's Party, are particularly carefully considered. Also, the role of the younger generation in the Mongolian Revolution is analyzed from the point of view of the main external actors who contributed to it - that is, the Communist International and its representatives in Mongolia.

This article examines the problem of professional and spiritual influence on the young Spanish medievalist Emilio Saez by the recognized scientist C. Sanchez-Albornoz, who turned out in exile in Argentina after the Civil War (1936–1939). The source was the correspondence for 1948-1954.

The article examines the problems of Song Mei-ling's formation as an influential social, political, and military figure not only in Eastern, but also in Western culture. The relevance of this study is justified by the fact that gender stereotypes still exist in the world community, and the PRC is in 107th place out of 156 in the list of countries in the global ranking in terms of the gender gap in 2021, which certainly needs to be addressed, for example, by referring to such personalities like Madame Chiang. The search for common ground and experience of interaction in the past between Eastern and Western cultures in the era of the spread of enmity between China and the West in the 21st century is also relevant. The article examines the actions of Mei-ling, which were able to unite different nations, destroy outdated gender traditions and allowed women to participate in political and military activities. The article examines not only the rise of Song Mei-ling as an influential figure at an early age, but also assesses the influence of Mei-ling herself on the youth of China and the United States. In the course of writing the work, the author comes to the conclusion that Mei-ling was able to become an influential person; inspire many people, especially Chinese and American girls, to fight against the Japanese conquerors, poverty and ignorance of Chinese people, and exploitation of women; achieve a break in gender stereotypes, both in the political and military spheres; receive large monetary donations from the peoples of Western states and the support of the United States and its political elite. The study uses historiographic information and video materials that allow to draw objective conclusions.

The article considers the image of Gavrila Princip in the lyrics of songs written by Serbian musicians during the Yugoslav Wars. The author highlights the features with which this image was endowed in the context of the 1990s rise of nationalism.

The article considers the methods of Nazi propaganda used in school educational literature. Having analyzed textbooks of the period, the authors highlight the key characteristics inherent in the youth and educational policy of the Nazi Party.

Russian youth's role in the formation and development of the Russian diaspora in Czechoslovakia, as well as in the formation of Russia's political views, is revealed in this article.
Considering Russian youth in emigration, who participated in the “Russian Action”, in the formation and development of the Russian Diaspora, the formation of new political ideas for the transformation of Russia, the development of the scientific community abroad, is the purpose of this article. Russian Campaign's achievements and its impact on the political life of Russian society in emigration and the future of Russia are being tried to comprehend.
A wide range of foreign, epistolary sources, the positions of contemporaries on this issue, sources of personal origin, data from the Russian Historical Archive abroad in Prague are involved in the analysis.
The author of the article used such methods as analysis, systematization, synthesis, as well as statistical analysis during the research.
The novelty of this scientific research consists in the use of little-researched sources (journals published by Russian students in Czechoslovakia), as well as memoirs and diary entries of participants of the “Russian Action”. The author of the article attempts to determine the significance of the activities of Russian youth in emigration in Czechoslovakia in the 1920s.

The article analyzes the social and political processes and events that took place in Greece in the late 60s - early 70s of the XX century, associated with the dictatorship of the "black colonels". The prerequisites for the coming to power of the "black colonels", their activities in preparing and organizing a military coup in the country, the peculiarities of the political regime established in Greece since the late 60s are characterized. The reaction of foreign countries to the policy of the military junta is considered. The process of Greece's transformation from a monarchy to a republic, the activities of G. Papadopoulos as president of the country are revealed. The factors contributing to the rise of the student movement, its organization, student protests against the dictatorship of the "black colonels" are analyzed. The chronology of the events of November 14-17, 1973 at the Athens Polytechnic University (Politechnio), which united the whole country and aimed at overthrowing the military regime and restoring democracy in Greece, is considered. The consequences of student protests in the context of political transformations and further development of Greek society are characterized. The prerequisites for the return to power of Konstantinos Karamanlis, who formed the Government of National Accord and began to carry out democratic reforms in the country, are revealed. It is noted how important the day of November 17 is for the citizens of modern Greece and, especially, for students.

This work is devoted to the analysis of juvenile delinquency in the period of perestroika. Quantitative indicators of juvenile delinquency of this period are much higher relative to other periods. The main purpose of the work is to establish the causes of the growth of crimes among minors and to study the characteristics of juvenile delinquency in the period 1987-1991. The work also expresses possible causes and explanations for the growth of crimes among citizens under 18 years of age during the period of "perestroika". It should be noted that in this work the concepts of "teenager" and "minor" are identified. According to Art. 10, paragraph 1 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR of October 27, 1960, in force at that time, persons who were sixteen years old before committing a crime were subject to criminal liability; paragraph 2 of Art. 10 determines that persons who have committed crimes between the ages of fourteen and sixteen are subject to criminal liability only for especially grave crimes (their list is indicated). Article 11 of the Civil Code of the RSFSR dated 11.06. 1994 defines the age limitation of legal capacity at 18 years. Accordingly, in this article we are talking about citizens from 14 to 18 years old, who will be synonymous with the concepts of "teenagers", "minors", less often - "youth".

In modern Russia, young people enjoy close attention from the ruling structures. Since Soviet times, it has been in demand when holding events at different levels, one way or another having a political connotation. Unlike the Western order, other forms of public expression among the younger generation are either absent or condemned. Is this the main role of youth: to be the ballast of the state system? Accordingly, the purpose of this work was to describe the conditions for the development of Soviet youth, its values and mission, to consider the socio-psychological constructions of generations recognized at the international level, and, finally, to highlight the main problem of post-Soviet youth. To achieve the goal of the study, descriptive and comparative methods were used in the work. The descriptive method made it possible to outline the existence of youth within the framework of the Soviet era. The comparative method revealed the common and particular of generations X, Y and Z. Answering the main question of the article, the author gives the term "paternalism", which means, in a sense, the provision by the state of the needs of citizens in exchange for their obedience. However, the dilemma remains open so that the reader, based on what he has read, independently takes one or another position.

In early 2020, the Thai Constitutional Court is dissolving the Future Party, which won third place in the 2019 parliamentary elections and gained great popularity among the country's younger generation. This decision was one of the catalysts for mass protests that swept the whole country. The main opposition force is students and schoolchildren. Within the framework of this article, the role of Thai youth in the political life of the state and, in particular, in the events that last for the second year in a row is considered.
The purpose of this theoretical study is to find the motives for self-organization and participation of Thai youth in demonstrations. To achieve the goal of the study, we used historical-genetic method, in which various stages of the politicization of Thai youth are considered, as well as historical and typological, which made it possible to identify the main causes of the conflict between the young generation and the current government.
The result of this theoretical study was the conclusion that the protest moods that have been unfolding in recent years among representatives of Gen Z in Thailand have become the most massive and active after the “6 October 1976 massacre”. Despite the fact that the authorities, led by General Prayut Chan-O-cha, are trying to suppress the demonstrations, students and students continue to fight for democratic change, the resignation of the government, and also for the reform of the institution of the monarchy.

This article examines young mayors and their political survival. It attempts to answer the question: how is the age of a local mayor related to political survival under the competitive model of election? The problem is approached from the perspective of a theory of rational choice institutionalism. According to this theory, the competitive model acts as a political institution. It is suggested that this model creates opportunities for the governor to promote younger candidates as less independent and therefore more manageable and controllable. It is hypothesised that young mayors are more likely to retain their position than experienced, established mayors in a given municipality. The study is based on data from 91 competitions for the election of local mayors in Perm Krai from 2015 to 2021, which were analyzed using logistic regression. In addition to the age factor, the governor's personality factor is taken into account, which changed twice in the region during the period under consideration. As a result, the main hypothesis was confirmed: the group of young mayors was more capable of keeping their office than the group of more experienced, older mayors. However, the governor's factor did not prove to be significant. It appears that the change of the governor could have influenced the strategy of regional authorities' behavior in individual contests, but this is difficult to capture by the quantitative method. The author concludes that the introduction of the competitive election model contributed to the "rejuvenation" of the corps of local mayors. The support of younger mayors by the governor can be explained by their greater manageability compared to the municipality's entrenched older mayors.

The article examines the importance of youth in the world after the emergence of COVID- 19. The analysis of modern positive and negative trends in the development of youth during the pandemic is presented. The relevance of the topic is determined by today's epidemiological agenda, which has affected everyone. Young people, having an active lifestyle position and enthusiasm, influence world processes, but the global ailment affects them just as much, leaving its imprints.

The article analyzes some aspects of the Russian-Turkmen humanitarian dialogue, in particular the role of Turkmen youth in its development. The author provides analysis of the main areas – education, science and culture. Moreover, the assessment of Turkmen youth`s activity influence on the bilateral humanitarian relations development is given.

This article discusses the importance of cooperation between Turkey and Russia in the energy sector. Over the past few decades, the relationship between these countries has improved due to Turkey's growing demand for energy, which has become the main source of income for the Russian Federation. Now Turkey is the second largest oil market after the EU countries. In addition, Turkey is a strategically important partner for the transit of energy resources.

The article analyzes the prerequisites of the politicization of rave culture in the 2010s in Georgia, which later became one of the reasons for mass political actions to protect human rights.